Zimbabwe: A Rebirth
First, it was near impossible: then, it was very unlikely, but now, it is as real as the setting sun, as Zimbabweans can now refer to 93-year old Mugabe as former president in his lifetime.
Call it the end of an era, the fall of a dictator or the second independence, but it definitely felt like Christmas in November, when power finally changed hands for the first time in almost 4 decades.
Who would have thought that 2017 would end with Robert Mugabe losing the presidency of both the
governing Zanu-PF and Zimbabwe? None could have foreseen such a development being the work of his
ruling party’s inner circle.
Early life: The Rise and Rise of Mugabe
Mugabe came to power when Zimbabwe won independence in 1980 and his 37-year rule was criticized
for repression of dissent, election rigging, and for causing the country’s economic collapse.
Uncle Robert was born on February 21, 1924, near Kutama, northeast of Salisbury [now Harare], in what
was then Rhodesia.
Growing up under colonial rule made a large impact on a young Mugabe.
Colonialism in the country started in 1889 when the Crown granted the British South Africa Company a
Royal Charter that gave rights to the land which later became Northern (Zambia) and Southern
(Zimbabwe) Rhodesia.
Unlike most of his compatriots who received a grammar school education at best, Mugabe was lucky
enough to receive a very good education. The young boy’s intelligence made him stand out amongst his peers, and he was offered a place to study at the elite St. Francis Xavier Kutama College.
Mugabe went on to qualify as a teacher at Kutuma College.
He received a scholarship to South Africa’s Fort Hare University. There he met future leaders like Julius
Nyerere from Tanzania and Kenneth Kaunda from Zambia. He joined the African National Congress. He
was also exposed to Marxism.
After graduating in 1951 with a Bachelor of Arts Degree in History and English, he taught in several
schools and continued his studies in Southern Rhodesia and Tanzania, where a nationalist movement led
by Nyerere was starting to form.
Mugabe’s political ideology solidified after moving to newly independent Ghana to teach in 1957. Ghana
was the first British colony to gain independence in Africa. Kwame Nkrumah’s socialist and anti-imperial rhetoric struck a chord with Mugabe, who by this time was active within Ghana’s political youth leagues.
Mugabe met his first wife Sally Hayfron in Ghana (who died of a kidney disease in 1992). They travelled to Southern Rhodesia in 1960 so she could meet his mother, only meet a very changed place.
The former school teacher, with seven university degrees, first came to prominence after waging a
bloody guerrilla war against the white colonial rulers who jailed him for 10 years over a “subversive
speech” he made in 1964 — the year Ian Smith became Prime Minister.
In 1974, at the insistence of South African leaders, Smith released Mugabe to attend a conference in
Zambia. Mugabe fled to Mozambique where Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) guerrilla forces were being trained for what would be another five years of war.
In December 1979 the Lancaster House Agreement formalized a ceasefire and set the path for
Zimbabwe’s independence. Mugabe was named Prime Minister in February 1980 elections and the
international community recognized Zimbabwe’s independence on April 18, 1980 amid much hope and
optimism.
Robert Mugabe spoke eloquently as Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister Elect in March 1980. He offered a
message of hope and unity to a population ravaged by years of war. He spoke of creating a government
“capable of achieving peace and stability … and progress.”
In the early years of his rule, Mugabe was praised for expanding social services, including building
schools and hospitals.
He was concurrently spearheading a brutal crackdown on his political opposition led by the late
nationalist politician Joshua Nkomo, who many credit as the founding father of the nationalist struggle
for independence in Zimbabwe.
This period period ushered in the so-called Gukurahundi, a suppression campaign waged by the North
Korean-trained 5th Brigade in the predominantly Ndebele regions of Zimbabwe, claimed the lives of
mostly supporters of Nkomo.
The violence claimed more than 20,000 lives, according to the Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace.
The Gukurahundi crackdown ended with the signing of the Unity Accord in 1987 between ZANU-PF and
PF-ZAPU.
In 1987, Mugabe assumed the presidency, with the prime minister role being abolished.
Since then, he has won a series of controversial elections that critics claim he rigged, including one in
2008 which he lost to Morgan Tsvangirai, sparking political violence that human rights groups say claimed over 200 lives.
His supporters say he spoke for the poor; his critics say he had become increasingly authoritarian.
Mugabe’s rule culminated in a massive economic crisis for Zimbabwe, once one of Africa’s richest countries. His critics blame his policies.
The southern African nation went flat on its face, ‘worthless’ 100 trillion dollar notes became the
trademark of hyper-inflation, and while statistics put the unemployment rate at 90%, President Mugabe virtually stared at the situation in front of the mirror and gave himself a pat on the back for a job well done.
Perhaps his biggest achievement, and according to some, a failure, was the land-reform policy that arguably marked the beginning of the unravelling of the economy.
The turn of the century unleashed a wave of violent land acquisition by war veterans. Thousands of
white farmers were forced out.
Many Zimbabweans agree that the black majority had to somehow take back the land. After all, about
75,000 hectares of productive land was owned by white farmers who make up only 1.5 percent of the
population.
The way the land indigenization policy was conducted remains a deeply divisive issue. Land in
Zimbabwe, as in many other African countries, is a very emotive subject.
Mugabe’s evolution as a ‘Cat’ with nine lives
From efforts of the previous opposition Zimbabwean African People’s Union (ZAPU) under Joshua Nkomo in the 1980s, through to the Zimbabwe Unity Movement in the 1990s and to Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in the 2000s, Robert Mugabe had survived many attempts to get rid of him
before.
All those efforts failed because Mugabe has, at times, been popular, at times cunning and at times
ruthless in preserving power — for himself and the Zanu-PF.
At times reliance on patronage of indigenous systems of leadership helped Mugabe and the party ward
off challenges. Over the past 15 years, Zanu-PF has relied on the crude use of state power, draconian
security measures and brutality on the streets.
It also resorted to buying popularity through measures such as the violent land restitution process
between 2001 and 2007.
After 2007, Zanu-PF and Mugabe had to contend with a regional mediation process by the Southern
African Development Community after an election they lost, but which the MDC did not win by margins
needed to form its own government. Zanu-PF responded by unleashing violence and brutality on
opponents. Power sharing, which gave the MDC and its leader Morgan Tsvangarai an opportunity to
position themselves as alternatives, saw Mugabe and Zanu-PF play every trick in the book to preserve
power.
After Zanu-PF narrowly won the 2013 elections, it seemed that Mugabe and his party had finally
prevailed. But the power battles turned inward, as party factions jostled over who would succeed
Mugabe.
Zanu-PF and the crack within
Over time, various factions in the Zanu-PF crystallised into two main camps.
The first was Mugabe and his henchmen of the so-called Zezuru group, including top heads of security forces who had wanted Mugabe to continue for a long time. They favoured Solomon Mujuru before he died and later Mnangagwa as a successor.
The second was made up of younger, rather flamboyant group of mainly men around Mugabe Zanu-PF
politicians who had gained power and influence in the civil service. This group was known as the G-40. In the past few years this group backed Grace Mugabe as her husband’s successor.
Things have hung in the balance with the G40 gaining momentum because they could influence
Mugabe’s judgement and decisions through his wife and nephews. This group could make a call who
needed to be fired or isolated and the president would act accordingly.
For example, when moderates in the Zanu-PF and war veterans touted Vice President Joice Mujuru as
possible successor to Mugabe, the G40 aimed a barrage of insults against her and publicly declared that her time was up. Shortly afterwards Mugabe fired her and got her expelled from the party. This
deepened divisions within Zanu-PF and intensified concern about the G40 and Grace Mugabe.
Zimbabwe’s game-changing protests
In October 1988, it emerged that several cabinet ministers had been buying tax-free cars and selling
them on at massively inflated prices. Furious students from the University of Zimbabwe staged
demonstrations against this ministerial corruption which were met with riot police and arrests. The
incidents that followed, marked the first formal, organised public protests after independence in 1980.
By December that year, as the protests continued, President Robert Mugabe was forced to act. He set
up a Commission of Inquiry.
Five ministers resigned and one committed suicide. A new critical discourse had entered Zimbabwean
politics and it had been initiated from the university in Harare — traditionally a heartland for Mugabe’s ruling ZANU-PF.
Fast forward to the 6th of July 2016. Amidst hard economic realities, thousands of Zimbabweans began
demonstrations against government repression, poor public services, high unemployment, widespread
corruption and delays in civil servants receiving their salaries. A national strike, named “stay-away day,” began and subsequent protests took place across the country and diaspora.
Pastor Evan Mawarire was sitting at his desk in Harare, worrying about how he was going to pay his
children’s school fees, when something inside him snapped.
The Zimbabwean, who isn’t paid a salary by the church, decided to film himself venting his frustrations
with the Zimbabwean flag around his neck, explaining to camera: “When I look at the flag it’s not a
reminder of my pride and inspiration, it feels as if I want to belong to another country.”
What started as personal rant quickly became a rare way for citizens to vent anger against Mugabe’s government.
It saw the birth of Zimbabwe’s accidental movement for change, and it was tagged, #ThisFlag.
In the following months, a thick, choking haze of teargas and burning tyres regularly blanketed
Zimbabwe’s urban streets as citizen activist groups re-emerged in protest against an increasingly
repressive government and the hardship brought by a deteriorating economy.
Amid fears that the Southern African nation could be heading for another messy crisis, 2016 marked a
seminal moment in the history of civic-state relations.
Civil society and opposition movements took action after almost a decade of no mass protests.
Young people on social media deployed hashtags like #ThisFlag and #Tajamuka/Sesjikile (We refuse), a move that went from ‘tweets to streets’ with anti-Mugabe pressure groups on the frontline, calling for change.
The resurgence of civil activism and the accompanying police crackdown were reminiscent of the
turbulent 2000s when an emerging political opposition and civil society were heavily restricted.
Government mocked the digital campaign, just as higher education minister Jonathan Moyo dismissed
the online movement as nothing more than a “pastor’s fart in the corridors of power”, and accused
Mawarire of using it to make money and boost attendance at his church.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe had earlier issued a strong warning to pressure calling for his
resignation and true to his word, he kept to his promise in every single way.
Later end: The Rise and Fall of Mugabe
In recent times, President Robert Mugabe began to give the clearest indication that he was preparing for
his wife, Grace Mugabe, to succeed him.
The country’s long time ruler was getting ready go into 2018 seeking for another five-year term, leaving
enough time to tell if it would eventually turn out to be the ‘rise of Mugabe’s Grace or ‘the fall of
Mugabe from Grace’.
So one day, The 93-year-old leader fired his deputy, former vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa,
accusing him of disloyalty, deceitfulness and even patronizing witchdoctors.
That move signaled what would eventually lead to the end of an era, for the world’s oldest president,
who had gone from serial master degree holder to president emeritus.
Political intrigues and drama began to play out in Zimbabwe, with an opening episode that featured a
subtle military coup with house arrest, the retreat and return of the ‘crocodile’, and the possibility of
Christmas in November, if only Robert Mugabe would step down, as advised.
The 93-year old leader, refused to resign as expected on a live state television broadcast that fateful
weekend, after he was expelled from the ruling ZANU-PF, with an option of impeachment, if he failed to
meet the Monday deadline to step down.
Zimbabwe’s ruling party then ordered impeachment proceedings to begin against longtime President,
with Emmerson Mnagangwa waiting to fill in the void.
Emerson Mnagangwa, before now was not only very integral to the 37 years of political development in
Zimbabwe but also part of the guerilla war that saw the end of the Whites minority rule.
After independence he remained a stalwart of the Zanu-PF party, which he now leads, and was one of
Mugabe’s closest aides, cycling through roles including spy master security chief, and administering the
well-stocked party coffers before being made vice-president.
He is still associated by many with some of the worst atrocities committed under the ruling Zanu-PF
party since the country gained independence in 1980.
Until recently, Mnangagwa was tipped as Mugabe’s likely successor, partly because of his support within
the country’s powerful security establishment and among veterans of Zimbabwe’s 1970s guerilla war.
The former Vice President was also the preferred candidate of much of the international community,
where he is seen as most likely to guarantee a stable transition and implement economic reforms.
Following an anticipated turn of events, Robert Mugabe resigned as president on the 21st of November
2017, under intense pressure from the military, his own party, and mass protests.
The excitement that engulfed the swearing in ceremony of a new president in Zimbabwe, can pass best
for a breath of political fresh air, a new dawn and the start of a post Mugabe era in the country.
Emmerson Mnangagwa was led in the oath of office by Chief Justice Luke Malaba, saying he would “be
faithful to Zimbabwe”, “protect and promote the rights and people of Zimbabwe” and discharge his
duties to the best of his abilities.
Mugabe is gone from office. A faction of the Zanu-PF that had gained currency around him is being
squeezed out of every space in Zimbabwe. A new faction under Mnangagwa is in place.
Mugabe stands as a shadow of continuity behind leaders who have been around him for decades and
who have now been entrusted with the renewal agenda. Mugabe no more in power, but what’s been
called Mugabeism remains: both the positive side of vehemently defending the sovereignty of the
nation and the negative side of the brutality of state power.
Mnangagwa and the military lavished him with generous post-retirement packages, honored with a
holiday in his name.
2018 is another election year for Zimbabwe and Opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai has called for the
polls to be free and fair.
He has contested the presidency three times against Mugabe and in 2013 alleged widespread fraud
after his defeat.
As it stands, the next chapter is clearly unwritten, a new narrative remains undefined and it would take
more than change in leadership, for Zimbabwe to recover from the past and unleash an incredible level
of greatness.
These are really interesting times in Africa, with a growing list of dictators now gone, and a few more to go, showing that no tyrant is above the law and no dictator is beyond reach.
So, is it Paul Biya of Cameroon, Theodoro Obiang Nguema of Equitorial Guinea, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda or Denis Sassou Ngueso of Congo?… Well, Africa and the rest of the world are observing, taking
notes and asking, who’s next?
This article originally written by me was first published on Inside Watch Africa Magazine.
